P r o l o g u e  b y  D a n i l o  A r b i l l a

Is second vice president of the Inter American Press Association. Editor of the weekly news magazine Búsqueda, Montevideo, Uruguay, since 1990. Former chairman of the IAPA’s Committee on Freedom of the Press and Information. Former correspondent of Ambito Financiero and the magazine Somos of Argentina, O Estado de S. Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil, and Diario Las Américas, Miami, Florida. Conducted radio and television programs on political and economic affairs. Was founding member and president of the Foreign Correspondents Association. Served as communications and information director of the Uruguayan Presidency in 1972-75 and as professor of Communications Sciences at the Institute of Philosophy, Sciences and Liberal Arts of Uruguay.

This book would not exist if only we were to observe the maxim that the best press law is no press law. In an ideal situation, the legislation in the Americas governing free speech, press freedom and freedom of information should take up no more than a couple of pages, containing clear and frankly-worded clauses prohibiting any attempt to ?regulate,? ?guarantee? or ?ensure? ? or whatever word might be used ? freedom of expression. That?s the way it should be. Unfortunately, that?s not the way it is.

When we in the Committee on Freedom of the Press and Information began compiling the laws and regulations governing free speech in the hemisphere, the aim was to provide IAPA members and anyone else interested in this issue a full report that they would find useful, in particular, in learning about the environment in which they have to defend themselves ? and defend that basic freedom.

In merging this initiative into the Chapultepec Project, with the prospect of obtaining funding for it, we instituted a more ambitious project which, following the compilation that we present here, will allow us to go further and carry out a study comparing legislation in each country concerning freedom of expression with what is enshrined in universal and regional conventions ? in particular the Ten Principles of the Declaration of Chapultepec. At the same time, it would serve as a way of making people in every corner of the Americas aware of those prerequisites for such a fundamental right, the basis, custodian and guarantee of all the other freedoms.

These flowery laws that we have put together here have one starting-point in common ? free speech, press freedom and the right to information ? but in one way or another their aim is really to regulate and thus curtail those rights. The Declaration of Chapultepec, on the other hand, is the reaffirmation of those freedoms, securing them and clearly establishing what their scope is and what the principal threats they face are. The Declaration moreover is an endorsement of what philosopher John Locke believed ? that the state exists to preserve the individual rights of its citizens and the decision of each person to give up some of his rights in order for the law to regulate them is not so that they should be violated or curtailed. Sometimes we forget that the state or government or the law itself may proclaim human rights but not actually provide them. These are inherent in man, they are natural, inalienable and precede any regulation.

It is on this premise that this work was undertaken and on which this book should be used in the defense of press freedom.

The extent of such freedom is not always clear and for a definition we turned to noted Argentine thinker Juan Bautista Alberdi, who with magnificent precision summarized press freedom this way, ??the press is a non-delegated power that the country retains in order to exercise it itself?? and to abdicate that power is the same as to renounce sovereignty and give up being a free people. We believe there is no truer definition ? freedom of the press is one that the people do not turn over to their representatives, they keep it for themselves, it is what enables them to know what their governments are up to and to work together with their leaders. They do so through the press which, as we have said before, it is the best substitute for the Athenian agora and is essential for government of the people by the people.

On that basis, it is ridiculous to think that governments are in any position to regulate free speech and press freedom and ? much less ? to censor the people, to tell them what they may see, read or hear, or what they may say, comment on or report. It is the people who may censure the government, not the other way around, as James Madison proclaimed.

Freedom of expression as a non-delegated power is the essence of democracy, equaled only by the right of the people to freely elect those who govern them. Freedom of expression and the vote are a citizen?s unrenounceable rights. Also, in the case of election of government it is inconceivable to speak of democracy with a self-appointed government. But just as freedom of expression and elections of government are unrenounceable, freedom of expression and press freedom are the custodian and the guarantee of enjoyment of that other right. Observe, for example, just how liberty is threatened by laws that ban the publication of election campaign opinion polls. Such a ban at the same time attacks the right of people to know and conspires against their right to freely elect their government. Prof. Justino Jiménez de Arechaga, a prominent Uruguayan who was president and member of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights for many years, said in his law classes that there are three kinds of electoral fraud: during the election, after the election and before the election. In the first case, he cited the example of non-existent citizens casting a ballot two or three times; in the second case, the announced returns not reflecting the actual vote, and in the last case, he mentioned the lack of press freedom as a form of electoral fraud prior to polling. If there are limitations put on a citizen learning in any way he wants about who and what to vote for, if restrictions are placed on his right to choose based on an awareness of all the elements in play, then one cannot talk about free elections or talk about democracy.

In light of all of this, it is no exaggeration nor is it mistaken to maintain that there must be liberty in order to have freedom of expression, and for that reason we insist on it in presenting this volume in which so many laws concerning the press are compiled. Too many, for, as the scholar Thomas Payne put it, ?There is no valid reason to restrict or to seek to curtail freedom of the press.?


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