E s s a y  b y  J a c k  F u l l e r

Jack Fuller became president of the Tribune Publishing Company in 1997. He started as a copyboy at the Chicago Tribune when he was 16 years old and later served as a Tribune reporter in Chicago and Washington, D.C. As editor of the editorial page of the newspaper, he won the Pulitzer Prize for editorial writing in 1986. In 1989, he became editor of the Chicago Tribune and later was appointed publisher and chief executive officer. Mr. Fuller holds a bachelor’s degree in journalism from Northwestern University and a juris doctorate from Yale Law School. He is on the board of directors of the Robert R. McCormick Tribune Foundation and the Inter American Press Association; a member of the Pulitzer Prize Board and the Inter-American Dialogue.

An editor or publisher from the United States does not have to attend many Inter American Press Association meetings before the humbling recognition occurs to him that journalists and publishers from other countries often have to risk much more than we do in defending the freedom of the press. For most of us from the United States, the most we?ve ever been called upon to do is to take the chance of being briefly and symbolically jailed until a court renders the punishment invalid under the U.S. Constitution. Or we have had to fight a libel or privacy case; the stakes may be high, but they are only money, and the law surrounds us with defenses.

It is different in many parts of Latin America. Journalists and publishers often, quite literally, have to be heroes if they want to publish the truth. The government may threaten them; the legal system may not protect them. Or they might face violence from faceless men, perhaps acting on behalf of someone powerful, who do their deed and are never brought to justice for it. Even their families are sometimes in peril.

Though we are at a historical moment of extraordinary human possibility, with democratic institutions developing in so very many places, each country is different, each legal system is different. As this remarkable volume shows, it is difficult to generalize about the state of freedom of the press in the hemisphere. Each individual system bears the marks of its own unique history. Each democratic institution has arisen out of unique social, cultural and political circumstances. But it is absolutely vital for everyone who is interested in press freedom to have access to information about the varied nature of the threat and of the legal protections that are most central to protecting against it.

Though the struggle for freedom of the press in the United States may seem relatively painless to many of our Latin American colleagues, there are some very serious challenges.

Foremost, the government persists in placing restrictions on broadcast media that would be obviously unconstitutional if applied to newspapers. Ownership, for example, is controlled under strict and complicated rules rather than being subject to standard antitrust principles. There is even a rule prohibiting a newspaper from acquiring a broadcast outlet in its market or a broadcast outlet from acquiring a newspaper, so in effect the troubling elements of government control of broadcasting have spilled over into the printed press.

The only justification for such restrictions of broadcasting is now an anachronism. It was based on the idea that the radio spectrum over which signals are distributed is so limited that those granted the ability to use it have received a government-sanctioned monopoly and thus are subject to government controls. But today it is preposterous to think that the distribution of television and radio is in any way limited by the physics of the radio spectrum. Signals reach people over cable, for example, offering the audience scores of choices at every moment. They reach people over telephone lines. They are distributed over the Internet. They are distributed directly via satellite. There has never been such a profusion of ways for people to communicate, and yet the government still says broadcasting has a monopoly that must be controlled. You cannot help but conclude that the real reason is that, as is true in so many other societies, the government simply does not want to surrender power over the media.

Another major problem is not so much legal as social. There is a sense among many observers that the American public feels less committed than in previous decades to the ideal of freedom of the press. This manifests itself in huge jury verdicts, in hostility to press practices, and ultimately in support for legal limitations on press freedom. The press must and is examining its own behavior to see how it has alienated large segments of the public. But a broad public education effort is probably also called for. Otherwise the legal protections for which journalists in the United States should be grateful may begin to erode for want of broad public support.


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Copyright © 1999 Inter American Press Association. All rights reserved.

 



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